Nuove interviste ai comunisti del Donbass
1) Maxim Chalenko, Secretary of the Communist Party – Lugansk Regional Committee
– Link
– Interview by Workers' World
2) Boris Litvinov, leader of the Communist Party of the Donetsk People’s Republic
– Links
– Interview by Newcoldwar.org, Nov 30, 2014
– Intervista di Veronika Yukhnina, 6 Agosto 2015
3) Ghost Brigade: July 29, one year since founding
– Links
– Ideological principles of the Ghost Brigade / Die Leitlinie der Brigade Prizrak
– July 1st: 40 days since the death of Ghost Brigade Commander Alexei Mozgovoi
– Ghost Brigade in solidarity with Greek people, Turkish & Kurdish comrades
Read also / Vedi anche:
Raising the
Soviet flag on Donbass (Banda Bassotti Version – Voxkomm, 9 mar 2015)
Brigade Prizrak, Communist militiaman raising the Soviet flag on freed
Debaltsevo
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdZ4R2mAX4U
Communists
brought two special gifts to Brigade « Don » [sub ENG\SPA\POR\ITA] (Voxkomm, 23
dic 2014)
Communists of Workers’ Front organizzation, Association of Novorossia officers,
brought two special gifts to Brigade « Don » that is fighting at the front…
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ROsVn082giw
Victor Shapinov
interview: Donbass uprising based in the 'Soviet world' (by Alexander Chalenko,
Ukraina.Ru July 21, 2015)
Interview with Victor Shapinov, an active participant in the "Russian
Spring" in Kharkov and Odessa, and coordinator of the Borotba (Struggle)
movement...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/08/victor-shapinov-interview-donbass.html
Ghost Brigade: Urgent Appeal for Humanitarian Assistance (By Darya Mitina, head
of International Relations – United Communist Party of Russia, 22/7/2015)
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/06/ghost-brigade-urgent-appeal-for.html
=== 1: Maxim Chalenko ===
Read also:
Lugansk communist: ‘We fight first and foremost for peace’ (By Greg Butterfield
– WW, June 17, 2015)
Workers World interviewed Ekaterina Popova, a leader of the Communist Party,
Lugansk Regional Committee in the Lugansk People’s Republic. Popova is a
founding member of the Forum of Communist, Socialist, Workers’,
Environmental and Anti-Fascist Forces...
http://www.workers.org/articles/2015/06/17/lugansk-communist-we-fight-first-and-foremost-for-peace/
---
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.it/2015/07/lugansk-communist-donbass-is-in-great.html
27/7/2015
Lugansk communist: ‘Donbass is in great need of international solidarity’
By Greg Butterfield
Workers World interviewed Maxim Chalenko, Secretary of the
Communist Party – Lugansk Regional Committee in the Lugansk People’s Republic
(LC). Chalenko is a founder of the Forum of Communist, Socialist, Workers’,
Environmental and Anti-Fascist Forces. He helped to organize the Donbass
International Forum titled “Anti-Fascism, Internationalism, Solidarity” held on
May 8 in Alchevsk. This is part 1 of the interview.
Workers World: Where
did you grow up and go to school? How did you become involved in the communist
movement?
Maxim Chalenko: I was born on June
30, 1980, in Severodonetsk, in the Lugansk region [then part of Soviet
Ukraine]. I spent most of my youth in Lugansk city, where my family moved in
1990. I graduated from Lugansk School Number 57, then East Ukrainian State
University with a degree in history and archiving.
I’ve been active in the communist movement for
17 years. In 1997, I joined the Leninist Communist Youth Union of Ukraine (the
youth organization of the Communist Party of Ukraine). I organized protests for
the restoration of students’ rights in 2000-2003, and became a member of the
Communist Party of Ukraine in 2000.
In Kiev, I was active in the movement
"Ukraine without Kuchma" in 2002, when police violently broke up our
tent camp. Later I organized a series of protests of workers and miners in the
Lugansk region.
I was elected secretary of the Zhovtnevy
District Committee of the Communist Party in Lugansk, then secretary of the
Communist Party – Lugansk Regional Committee, Secretary of the Lugansk
Municipal Committee of the Communist Party, and as a deputy to the Lugansk
Regional Council.
WW: As a young person, what it was like
to live through the collapse of the Soviet Union?
MC: As the son of a Soviet soldier, the
collapse of the USSR hit me very hard. The destruction of this great country,
whose cornerstone was to protect the workers’ interests, made many in the
military burn with a desire to defend the Soviet Union. But unfortunately,
after the collapse, those actively serving in the military were forbidden to
speak of the USSR.
Many communists began to focus their efforts and
energy on trying to build a just, socialist society within the framework of the
national states formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, including us in
Ukraine. Perhaps this was one of the main reasons for our failures.
In my opinion, the disintegration of the Soviet
Union into national states, which each went into its own socio-political
process, only sped up the transition from the socialist to the capitalist path.
A powerful, ideologically cohesive communist movement was then split and
disorganized.
WW: Tell us about the activity of the
communists in Lugansk following the U.S.-backed coup in Kiev in February 2014.
MC: After the anti-people coup in Kiev --
and even during it, at the end of 2013 -- we organized the first militia
squadron to protect the civilian population of Lugansk from fascism. Our goals
were to protect the population from aggression, provocations and attacks by
neo-fascists, and to protect monuments related to our history and culture. We
worked to block the arrival of neo-Nazi militants from the West.
We also took on the important task of opposing
attempts by the Lugansk authorities to negotiate the conditions for their
surrender to the Kiev junta. After all, capitalists in power are indifferent to
the problems of the people; all that is important is to preserve and increase
their capital. We understood this, and moreover, saw it happening in
practice.
Powerful politicians, dominated by members of
the Party of Regions, were negotiating the surrender of Lugansk to the
neo-fascists. With the tacit consent of the Kiev junta, they appointed new
regional heads of the Interior Ministry, Prosecutor's Office and Security
Service of Ukraine, whose purpose was to suppress the anti-fascist resistance
in Lugansk.
We proposed to organize a broad anti-fascist
front to stop the spread of fascism to the East and also raised the issue of
geopolitical choice. At that time the issue of the restoration of the USSR came
to the fore.
In the face of resurgent fascist ideology,
including aggressive nationalism, we must intensify international work to
demand the restoration of the USSR. We believe that now more than ever we have
the basis to do it.
WW: What organizing and activities have
you conducted since the start of the war?
MC: In April and May 2014, Lugansk
residents were very worried about Slavyansk [in neighboring Donetsk] and its
inhabitants, who were subjected to Ukrainian military aggression. We organized
the first collection and shipment of humanitarian aid from Lugansk to the
defenders of Slavyansk. No one realized that in a month we ourselves would need
help.
Later, when the war came to our door, we
actively engaged in the collection and transfer of humanitarian aid to Lugansk
from Russia. We were really helped by the Communist Party committees of Rostov
and Voronezh. These two areas border Lugansk, and even before the war we had
established a wonderful comradeship with them. We appealed for help and they
immediately responded, organizing the collection of food, medicine and clothing
through their party structures. Almost every week throughout the summer, we
brought this assistance into the LC.
Then, in early September, when the ceasefire
agreement was signed in Minsk, we held a re-registration of the party ranks and
started to restore our party structures. Some people had left, some had
disappeared and did not respond to phone calls. Several communists were killed.
The secretaries of the party committees were scattered, mainly engaged in
solving problems in their cities. At that time communication and transportation
were restored, and within a few months, we restored ties with all local
organizations.
WW: Why did you decide to organize an
international solidarity forum this spring?
MC: There were two reasons: First, it was
the landmark 70 anniversary of the victory of socialism over fascism [the
Soviet defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II]; second, and most important,
today the left-wing in Donbass is in great need of international support and
assistance from allied organizations.
In spite of high ideals, including our own, the
movement of the People’s Republics along the socialist path has not been simple
and unambiguous. Yes, at the initial stage, all the revolutionary movements of
the streets and squares were associated with anti-fascism and the desire of the
majority of the population to take the socialist path of development. But no
one really voiced the slogans “factories to the workers” and “land to the
peasants,” and the socialistic character of the republics remained only in form
but not in essence.
The forum was significant in that it gave youth
of Europe and the world an understanding of the conditions in which we are
fighting today.
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.it/2015/07/lugansk-communists-work-to-create.html
29/7/2015
Lugansk communists work to create ‘fighting left’ to confront crisis
By Greg Butterfield
Workers World interviewed Maxim Chalenko, Secretary of the Communist Party – Lugansk Regional Committee in the Lugansk People’s Republic (LC). Chalenko is a founder of the Forum of Communist, Socialist, Workers’, Environmental and Anti-Fascist Forces. He helped to organize the Donbass International Forum titled “Anti-Fascism, Internationalism, Solidarity” held on May 8 in Alchevsk. This is the second part of the interview.
Workers World: The Donbass International Forum was hosted by the Ghost Brigade anti-fascist militia in Alchevsk. How did that come about?
Maxim Chalenko: Originally, we planned to hold the forum in Lugansk city, but due to the worsening military confrontation and internal political situation, we decided to hold it in Alchevsk, the second largest city in the region. An invitation was extended by Brigade Commander Alexei Mozgovoi, who was ideologically a communist though not a member of the party, and he played an important role. I think the decision was correct; we not only held the forum, but also supported our ideological comrades in Alchevsk. [Mozgovoi and four other Ghost Brigade members were assassinated on May 23.]
WW: What were your impressions of the forum? What was achieved?
MC: One of the main objectives was to consolidate the efforts of leftist and anti-war organizations of the world on the issue of Donbass. This goal must seem very romantic, given current geopolitical realities, but we have already achieved some important steps.
The forum brought together a large number of left-wing organizations that are interested in the situation of the anti-fascist resistance in the Donbass. Generally, our situation is quite unusual, and I’m aware of the many contradictions and disputes among leftists around the world in relation to our assessment of events, and most importantly, how communists, internationalists and anti-fascists should operate in these conditions.
Even during the forum, on a par with the wishes for victories in the struggle against fascism in Ukraine, there were questions about the role of the left in the events in Ukraine and Donbass. What position should we take in a situation where the main question is which side to take in a geopolitical confrontation? The answer is very complex and the opinion of one person or national organization is not enough.
By and large, this was the second key objective of the forum: to begin a dialogue about the role of the left in events spurred by the geopolitical confrontation in southeastern Ukraine.
WW: The forum also announced the creation of an international solidarity committee. What will this body do?
MC: We are working for the creation of an international solidarity movement with Donbass, which we hope will be a platform to define a unified ideological position on the situation in Donbass and the forms and methods of work for left-wing political forces in these conditions.
To that end, we have initiated these projects:
1. Assist in the formation of a Committee for Solidarity with Donbass in every country of Europe and the world.
2. Analysis of the situation in the Donbass, preparation of reports, information, and messages about the social and political environment.
3. Preparation and holding of international seminars, round tables, presentations, conferences and meetings related to the current situation in the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics of Donbass.
4. Organization of solidarity actions, like those which took place following the death of Brigade Commander Mozgovoi.
5. Publication of newspapers, pamphlets and books.
6. Struggle against political repression in Ukraine, informational pickets in support of demands to release political prisoners in Ukraine. Creating a list of repressions in Ukraine. Picketing of Ukrainian embassies in Europe. Protest rallies in Kiev.
7. Promoting media that openly and honestly cover the events taking place in Donbass.
8. Creation of online media resources to disseminate accurate information about the situation in the struggling republics.
WW: How do you see the role of communists in Lugansk today?
MC: Today the communists in Lugansk, as well as in Ukraine, are experiencing a serious systemic crisis. We were not prepared for a serious geopolitical confrontation here, could not give an ideological assessment as the events were occurring, or answers on how to proceed.
In fact, this problem is not unique to Lugansk. Here the issues were thrust to the forefront by the acute confrontation and war on our territory. But a similar trend is weakening leftist movements with repression and splits throughout the former Soviet Union. I'm afraid that we may soon witness the failure of the last bastion of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Russia.
It must be understood that the potential for progress envisioned by communists after the collapse of the USSR has already completely exhausted itself. If we do not find adequate answers and develop new ways of working, we will be excluded from the country’s political life for many years to come.
Therefore, in Lugansk, it is necessary to consolidate all communists around a unified organization, and then develop a new strategy and methods of work for its realization. We must search for new social bases for the party among the working class to enhance its capacity and size. And most importantly, develop a clear position on where we are going and what is the role of the left in the modern realities of the young Lugansk and Donetsk republics.
Another important issue is establishing an international left movement that will develop a concept of a fighting left in the new "post-unipolar" world that is today being built by the actions we have actively participated in.
WW: What is your vision for the future of socialism in Donbass?
MC: In many respects, it depends on whether we communists find successful ways of working to ensure the movement of the republics along the path of socialism, rather than something that may appear socialist in form, but is essentially a neoliberal state.
We are developing an organization to unite all supporters of socialism-communism under the name "Union of the Left of Donbass," and to the extent possible, to influence the political development of the republic.
Respect and revolutionary greetings to all comrades!
=== 2: Boris Litvinov ===
LINKS:
Pioneer youth
organization established in Makeyevka, Donetsk (May 19, 2015)
On May 19 in Makeyevka, a solemn rally was held devoted to establishing the
Pioneer organization of the Donetsk People's Republic (DNR). The initiator of
the event was Deputy of the DNR National Soviet Boris Litvinov, reported
the state media correspondent...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.it/2015/05/pioneer-organization-established-in.html?view=magazine
В Макеевке
создана
пионерская
организация
(Министерство
информации
ДНР, 19 mag 2015)
19 мая в
Макеевке
состоялось
торжественное
собрание,
посвященное
основанию
пионерской
организации
Донецкой Народной
Республики.
Инициатором мероприятия
выступил
депутат
Народного
Совета ДНР
Борис
Литвинов,
сообщил
корреспондент
Государственного
медиа-холдинга...
http://dnr-online.ru/news/v-makeevke-sozdana-pionerskaya-organizaciya/
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=16&v=aHrpFYkrIOA
Komsomol revived in Donetsk People’s Republic (June 8, 2015)
In Donetsk, the constituent congress of the Lenin Communist Youth League
(LKSM) of the Donetsk People's Republic (DNR) was held June 7...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/06/komsomol-revived-in-donetsk-peoples.html
VIDEO:
Учредительный
съезд
Комсомола
ДНР (Министерство
информации
ДНР, 8 giu 2015)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HNi3wgtlR3k
---
http://newcoldwar.org/interview-boris-litvinov/
Interview with Boris Litvinov
January 7, 2015
Boris Litvinov was interviewed by Halyna Mokrushyna for New Cold War.org on November 30, 2014 about the political situation in Donetsk, the region’s relations with Ukraine and Russia, and the future of the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR). Boris Litvinov is the former head of the Supreme Council of the DPR and is a deputy of the People’s Council of the DPR. He is the leader of the Communist Party of the Donetsk People’s Republic, founded in October 2014.
Is the project of the Donetsk People’s Republic supported by the population?
When we organized our referendum in May [referendum for the independence of the Donetsk People’s Republic], we thought that common sense would prevail. We have 3.2 million voters in Ukraine Donetsk and 2,700,000 thousand voted, of which 2,511,000 voted for the creation of Donetsk republic. We believed in people’s right to self-determination.
We are united in our aspirations. That’s why we wanted a negotiated, ‘civilized’ separation with Ukraine. And indeed, at the beginning, it was going this way.
We knew that negotiations with Kyiv would be long and difficult, but we wanted a separation. We would cooperate with Kyiv, since we have a common economy and a common transportation system. We would share it and pay for it. But Kyiv decided otherwise. They started bombing us already during the day of referendum. And it got worse. Now we have a full-blown civil war.
Do you see your future with Ukraine?
I support united Ukraine with both hands. I was born here, I live here, and I am an ethnic Russian. We are different mentally and spiritually [from Western Ukraine – HM]. Several hundred years under Polish-Lithuanian rule created a certain Polish-Lithuanian spirit.
We in Eastern Ukraine are very young. Our Ukraine has only 150 years – before that was Dikoe pole (the wild plains). Our land is international. With the beginning of industrialization, people of all nationalities came here. It did not matter what nationality you were. What mattered was your readiness to build, to create. It came out particularly strong during the Soviet period. Added to this was the ideology of internationalism. That is why we are internationalists.
We do not want Kyiv’s idea of building a mono-ethnic state, and particularly the methods which they have been using since Yushchenko came to power. [1] We are internationalists. We do not want a state for one nation. This is a contradiction, and I do not see how we can resolve it.
Another contradiction that we have with Kyiv is their drive to join the European Union, which is not in a hurry to accept Ukraine. It is a rupture of links with Russia. We do not like this, and we do not think that Kyiv will turn towards the Eurasian Union [2] any time soon.
A third contradiction is the image of Russia as the enemy, which has been formed and imposed during 23 years of Ukrainian independence. It has been formed through education, ideology, arts. If a state creates an enemy, it has to protect itself against this enemy, or to fight it. Because Ukraine is too weak, it appeals to NATO and other Western allies. We know quite well that NATO cannot be allowed here, because this would be a direct threat to us and to our brothers and sisters in Russia.
All these contradictions are very hard to resolve in the near future. Only time will resolve them and show who was right and who was wrong. With time we will reconcile. But still we continue killing each other…
We do not have the motivation to kill, we are defending ourselves. Those who come to our land do not have the motivation to kill, either. Who comes here? Workers and peasants. They come to kill their own people because they have a different opinion. We did not come to their land, they came to ours. Most of them have been forced. Of course, there are ideologically driven individuals among them. But most of them are soldiers, officers who fulfill their duty. They are forced to fight this civil war.
How did the ‘Anti-Maidan movement begin in Donetsk?
I was on Maidan Square three times – in November, when it all started, in December, and in early February. I saw how it all unfolded. In the second half of February, the wave reached us in Donetsk and Donetsk region. We stood up because we did not want Maidan ideology to invade our land.
The first confrontation happened on February 21, when Pravyi Sektor [3] planned to come to Donetsk to take by assault the regional administration building and to destroy monuments to Lenin and other symbols of Soviet epoch. We stood in front of the Lenin monument – communists, members of the Party of Regions, monarchists, other rightist and leftist movements – protecting it as a symbol of our land. We stood up and remained there till the end of May. Tents have been taken down, as nothing threatens our symbols anymore.
The most active people and groups in the Donetsk Anti-Maidan movement were the local Communist Party, the Donetsk Republic of Andrei Purgin, a lot of women and veteran organizations–for instance, a ‘Union of Soviet officers’—and, in general, people of anti-fascist views. They were not organized in any kind of political party. They had it in their genes, in their education, in their memory. There was the progressive socialist party of Natalia Vitrenko.
Pavel Gubariev, with all due respect, was an incidental participant. His party was a short-lived formation which ceased to exist by the end of March when he was arrested by the SBU.
It was people who took over the regional administration building. I cannot single out a specific political force. It was a 15th or 16th regional meeting. It was on April 6 [2014]. For the nth time, we demanded authorities to listen to us and to initiate a referendum on federalization. [4] And as always, nobody listened. At that meeting, a decision was made: enough demanding! Let us get inside the building, sit in the session hall and wait till the deputies come and take a decision in front of us.
And we did it. It was a warm Sunday. We got inside easily because the building was cordoned off by 18-20 years old soldiers of the Ministry of the Interior. They stepped aside and let us through.
We planned to wait till Monday noon. But then during the night, a realization came that deputies might not come and nothing will happen. We decided that we should prepare a document stating that the people will take power into their own hands if the deputies refuse to execute the will of the people. I was sent home to write the Declaration of Independence of the Donetsk People’s Republic.
I wrote it. And on Monday afternoon, when out of 179 deputies only three came, a Declaration of the Independence of DPR was read in the session hall of the Donetsk regional council.
We want to build a parliamentarian republic, based on the state’s ownership of land and its resources, of air and water spaces, a state’s strong control of economic process, and a socially oriented state.
How do you see the future of your relations with Ukraine and Russia?
I try to convince my colleagues that after very long negotiations with Ukraine, we should arrive at the implementation of the principle of peaceful coexistence. This principle was elaborated by Soviet experts in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Different states, if they do not want to cooperate, can coexist. To coexist means to refuse to resort to military confrontation and adopt a status quo. Historically, the situation is what it is and we cannot change it. We will not embrace each other as friends, but we will not kill each other, either. Let history and experience judge who is right and who is wrong. That is how I see our relations with Ukraine.
As for Russia, we want to become a member of the Eurasian Union and we will do everything to make that happen. But we have a long way to go. We are now working on getting some sort of recognition. To date, even though one might smile at it, we have been recognized by only one state – South Ossetia. We are now conducting negotiations with Abkhazia regarding the recognition and establishment of diplomatic relations with this state. There is also Transnistria, and Karabach. We are working on creating an interparliamentary assembly of states which are striving to get their sovereignty recognized.
We will also establish interregional links with the Russian Federation. We already have agreements with several cities and regions. These are not relations between the states, but relations between regions. They are easier to establish.
Boris Litvinov was born in the city of Dzerzhinsk, Donetsk Oblast, in 1954. He holds degrees in music, mining and management. He used to work as a teacher and business executive. He was a member of the Donetsk city council and headed the Communist Party faction of Donetsk’s Kirovsky district prior to getting involved in the building of the Donetsk Peoples Republic. You can read an interview he gave to the Russian journal Rossiya Segodnya on Sept 1, 2014 here.
Notes:
[1] Viktor Yushchenko was president of Ukraine from 2005 to
2010.
[2] The Eurasian Economic Union is an economic trade zone of five countries
with a total population of 170 million people–Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan,
Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan. It came into formal
existence on Jan. 1, 2015.
[3] Pravyi Sektor is a far-right nationalist political party and paramilitary
movement, formed in November 2013 during anti-government protests on Maidan. It
played a key role in the overthrow of Yanukovych government. Members of Pravyi
Sektor have been actively involved in the anti-terrorist operation against
Donbas. They have been engaging in illegal activities of intimidating,
kidnapping and beating anti-nationalist Ukrainians and Anti-Maidan activists.
[4] The early demand of the Anti-Maidan movement was for ‘federalization’, that
is, a decentralization of political powers in Ukraine, including the right to
elect governors of the oblasts (provinces), rather than having them appointed
by Kyiv.
---
http://contropiano.org/internazionale/item/32245-parla-litvinov-il-donbass-ha-bisogno-dei-comunisti
Parla Litvinov: "Il Donbass ha bisogno dei comunisti"
di Veronika Yukhnina, 6 Agosto 2015
Boris Alekseevic Litvinov
ha una lunga carriera industriale e politica dietro le spalle. Sin da Febbraio
2014 è a capo delle proteste popolari nel Donbass. É l'autore della
dichiarazione per l'indipendenza della Repubblica di Donetsk, ha giocato un
ruolo chiave nell'organizzazione del referendum per l'indipendenza. A ottobre
scorso ha fondato il partito comunista della repubblica popolare di Donetsk.
Oggi è pieno di energia, audace, pronto a sfidare il diavolo nella lotta per
gli interessi del popolo.
Perché c'era bisogno di creare un partito nuovo, diverso dal KPU
(Partito Comunista Ucraino)?
Noi eravamo e rimaniamo comunisti, gli altri in Ucraina hanno un altro compito: combattere il fascismo, noi dobbiamo costruire uno stato nuovo, uno stato socialmente orientato, uno stato socialista. Ma se un giorno il fascismo in Ucraina fosse sconfitto, se cadesse il regime, se il paese diventasse almeno un po' social-democratico, se intraprendesse la strada euroasiatica, e non la strada con destinazione Washington-Bruxelles, se il popolo ucraino si dichiarasse amico del popolo russo non escluderei la possibilità che potremmo tornare ad essere un unico paese, allora potremo unire i nostri partiti.
Rimaniamo comunque sempre comunisti con l'ideologia della lotta di classe. Che innanzitutto significa la costruzione di un'economia pianificata e il coinvolgimento del lavoratore nella gestione dei frutti di lavoro.
E' in qualche modo un prototipo dell'impresa nazionalizzata...
No, perché? Noi stiamo anche nazionalizzando...Per esempio l'industria del carbone, e qualche altra impresa. Iniziamo con l'introduzione del principio della “gestione esterna”. Si intende una o più persone assegnate dallo stato con competenze adeguate per ricoprire il ruolo del gestore. Noi abbiamo un “fondo” dei quadri, una lunga lista dei professionisti potenzialmente capaci di ricoprire vari incarichi industriali. I candidati possono essere proposti anche dal collettivo dei lavoratori dell'impresa.
Anche nelle imprese di Akhmetov?
Anche! Però dobbiamo valutare bene prima di espropriare qualcosa. Dobbiamo pensare che ne faremo delle imprese espropriate. Una volta capito le prendiamo in carico, ci mettiamo la nostra gestione.
Si tratta delle imprese abbandonate?
In primo luogo si. Ora per esempio stiamo introducendo la nostra gestione nell'acciaieria di Yenakievo che appartiene ad Akhmetov. Lui protesta, ma sono problemi suoi. Lui deve capire che su questo territorio deve obbedire alle nostre leggi. Perché lui registra le proprie imprese a Cipro e non qui?
E continua a pagare le tasse a Kiev...
Sì, gli stipendi qui e le tasse a Kiev. Noi gli abbiamo detto di pagare tutto qui se no gli portiamo via tutto! Però la nazionalizzazione deve avvenire attraverso una legge, per ora è solo un progetto.
La priorità sicuramente è il controllo del settore elettro-energetico. Raggiungere l'indipendenza in questo settore è molto più importante dell'acciaieria di Yenakievo. Per fortuna nella repubblica di Donetsk ci possiamo permettere una struttura indipendente con il nodo centrale a Gorlovka. Ora produciamo più energia di quella che consumiamo, qualcosa la diamo alla Russia, un po' in Ucraina. Fino a ora tutti i pagamenti per l'energia elettrica defluiscono verso l'Ucraina, verso il mercato centrale energetico, e poi vengono distribuiti per le stazioni. Per fare sì che i soldi rimangano dentro la Repubblica dobbiamo avere il nostro sistema finanziario.
Quali sono le novità su questo fronte? Nei negozi i prezzi sono esposti in rubli e in grivna. Il futuro sistema sarà collegato alla banca nazionale della Federazione Russa?
Per ora la situazione è nebulosa. Però sei mesi fa avevo invitato un gruppo di specialisti ucraini, russi, cechi... Specialisti di alto livello, per elaborare una nuova moneta. Abbiamo lavorato per sei mesi e abbiamo persino stampato un miliardo e quattrocento milioni di nuove banconote in Russia.
Ma non abbiamo potuto introdurli: all'ultimo gli ambienti liberali russi hanno protestato, giustamente così non potrebbero più tenerci sotto il loro controllo. Ora le banconote si trovano in un magazzino segreto. Solo 2-3 persone sanno dove. Tutti lo stanno cercando, sia dalla Russia sia qui. Sono pronte per essere immessi al momento opportuno. Quando ci chiedono da che cosa è garantita la nostra moneta, io da uno che ha studiato a fondo la questione rispondo: e il dollaro, il rublo da che cosa sono garantiti? Se il rublo è garantito dal dollaro, è di fatto un derivante del dollaro, il dollaro è garantito dal nulla! La nostra moneta sarà garantita dal PIL.
Quando si uniranno la “LNR” e la “DNR”? Ci sono trattative in questa direzione?
Nei miei piani devono essere uniti, nei loro piani non lo so. Di questo si ha paura probabilmente, la Russia ha paura.
In questo modo è anche impossibile creare un partito comunista unico...
Si, prima di tutto loro devono essere varate leggi che permettono la registrazione di un partito, poi ci deve essere almeno qualche forma di federazione fra la “LNR” e la “DNR” dopodiché i partiti potrebbero lavorare per l'unione.
Chi esattamente ostacola l'unione?
La situazione non è matura. Poi ci deve essere la volontà del popolo, qualsiasi idea diventa una forza materiale solo se è supportata dalle masse.
Come vi relazionate con il capo del governo Zacharcenko?
Lui è leale nei nostri confronti, discutiamo spesso anche se non pubblicamente. Non ci ostacolano, siamo un vero partito, l'unico fra l'altro esistente nella “DNR”. Abbiamo circa 800 membri, alcuni vengono dal KPU, molti nuovi, molti giovani.
A che cosa serviva la ricostruzione dell'istituto dei pionieri e del Komsomol?
Queste sono organizzazioni giovanili che hanno molteplici attività culturali ed educative, preparano ideologicamente i giovani per formare i futuri quadri del partito. Siamo riusciti a mandare cinque membri del partito a studiare a Mosca, a fare la scuola del partito. Uno di loro è diventato membro del comitato centrale, altri quattro hanno fondato il Komsomol.
Come vi rapportate con la chiesa?
Abbiamo ottimi rapporti, siamo amici. Mi vedo regolarmente con il patriarca, il rabbino e il mufti. E' importante che queste confessioni supportino le repubbliche.
Cioè l'ateismo come linea ideologica non c'è più?
Nei KPU e KPRF è così da molto tempo. Siamo poli confessionali, é importante che queste confessioni siano originali e che non abbiano il loro quartier generale a Washington e Bruxelles. Quelle non possono essere registrate qui, anzi sono proibite. Molti dei nostri membri sono credenti ed è affare loro.
Una volta c'era l'ateismo militante...
E' un commento che sento
spesso. Sì, non dimentichiamo: i comunisti hanno combattuto la chiesa, perché
la chiesa è sempre stata la roccaforte della reazione, dello zarismo e della
borghesia. É stata una delle più grandi fondazioni della borghesia: terreni,
proprietà, imprese, fabbriche, banche. É un'istituzione capitalista. Allo
stesso tempo la chiesa è sempre stata il baluardo della lotta contro comunismo.
É il suo antagonista. Inoltre le religioni sono fonte di guerra, il 70-80%
delle guerre hanno all'interno conflitti religiosi. Le religioni sono
sempre state un appoggio delle classe dirigenti, le classi dirigenti hanno
sempre usato le religioni per sostituire la lotta di classe con la guerra delle
religioni.
Ma oggi la chiesa ortodossa sta giocando un ruolo importante, il ruolo del
paladino dello “spirito russo”, della sovranità dello stato, dell'unità delle
popolazioni russe. Quando dico “russe” intendo i russi, gli ucraini, i tartari,
gli ebrei etc., tutte le persone con l'anima russa. Perché anche gli stessi
ebrei oggi... il loro primo rabbino se n'è andato, non ha accettato la
protesta, e con lui molti degli ebrei. Ma una parte importante della comunità è
rimasta, anzi combattono nelle milizie. 15 persone sono arrivate da Israele per
entrare nelle milizie del battaglione “Vostok” per otto mesi.
=== 3: Brigata Prizrak ===
What we are fighting for in Donbass (By Alexey
Markov, political commissar Ghost Brigade Unit 404 – 17/6/2015)
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/06/what-we-are-fighting-for-here.html
---
Fonte: pagina FB "Con l'Ucraina antifascista", 5/7/2015
“Qui
in Novorossija siamo sul fronte della guerra contro l’imperialismo occidentale.
Qui combattiamo contro il fascismo, arrivato dall’ovest, sostenuto con i soldi
dell’Occidente.
Noi qui lottiamo per i diritti di tutti i lavoratori, di tutti i paesi del
mondo.
E adesso voglio esprimere la nostra solidarietà ai lavoratori greci, e voglio
dire loro che noi sosteniamo la loro lotta contro la dittatura del Fondo
Monetario Internazionale, e diciamo NO!”
Aleksej
Markov, “Dobryj”, commissario politico della Brigata Prizrak.
Alexey
Markov solidarity with Greek people against the IMF (Алексей Мозговой - Голос народа, 5
lug 2015)
Alexey Markov "Dobrij", the political commissar of Prizrak Brigade,
one of the socialist armed group that fights for Donbass freedom. In this
supporting speech he express solidarity with Greek people against the IMF
aggression to the Country...
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DDj5RnN7r-s
---
Ideological principles of the Ghost Brigade of A.B. Mozgovoi
(Political Commission of the Ghost Brigade – June 30, 2015)
The first commander of the Ghost Brigade was Alexei Borisovich Mozgovoi. He was
able to create a cohesive and responsible staff. Despite the tragic death of
A.B. Mozgovoi, this team continues its work...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/06/ideological-principles-of-ghost-brigade.html
Source: http://mozgovoy.info/main/text/484-ideynye-principy-brigady-prizrak-im-ab-mozgovogo.html
http://slavyangrad.de/2015/07/06/die-leitlinie-der-brigade-prizrak/
Die Leitlinie der Brigade Prizrak
6/7/2015 – übersetzt von MATUTINSGROUP
Mosgovoy.info, 28. Juni 2015 – 23:06 Uhr.- Am Jahrestag
der Brigade Prizrak gedenken wir dem ersten Kommandeur der
Brigade, Aleksey Borisovich Mozgovoy. Trotz des tragischen Verlusts,
den wir durch den Tod von Aleksey Borisovich erlitten haben, wird die Brigade
seine Arbeit fortsetzen. Die Brigade, ursprünglich eine
Ansammlung bewaffneter Kämpfer, bleibt ein Verband, der keine materiellen
Ziele verfolgt, an die Notwendigkeit der Volksmacht glaubt und kompromisslos
gegen die faschistische Diktatur kämpft. Sie nimmt die besten Kämpfer des
Donbass und aus anderen Ländern auf. Mit der Ermordung unseres legendären
Kommandeurs schuf der Feind unbewusst ein unsterbliches Symbol des
Widerstandes des Volkes, und trotz dieses schweren Verlusts hat sich der
Zusammenhalt in der Brigade und deren Motivation für den Kampf zur
Befreiung des Vaterlandes erhöht.
Ein
Jahr nach der Gründung der Brigade Prizrak haben wir unsere Prinzipien
entwickelt:
1 – Wir stehen für Kollektivismus und Solidarität. Wir stellen die kollektiven
Interessen über die Interessen Einzelner und streben eine gemeinsame
Entscheidungsfindung an.
2 – Fürchte nicht um deine Haut – fürchte um deine Ehre! (Anm.: Zitat
Mozgovoys). Wir glauben an die Moral. Angst um die persönliche Sicherheit und
Streben nach materiellem Wohlstand sind keine Qualitäten, die zur
Schaffung einer gerechten Gesellschaft beitragen.
3 – Wir stehen für die Freundschaft der Völker. Wir kennen keine nationalen
Vorurteile, sondern anerkennen die brüderliche Solidarität aller Völker der
Welt. Wir haben Feinde, die den Krieg angezettelt haben, die Arbeitnehmer
bedrücken und Feindseligkeit zwischen den Völkern säen. Wir glauben, dass die
Kultur eines jeden Volkes wichtig und einzigartig ist. Wir sind gegen den
liberalen Multikulturalismus und stehen für die Erhaltung und Entwicklung der
Traditionen und Eigenheiten der verschiedenen Völker ein, sofern diese
nicht neue Konflikte provozieren. Nur die Freundschaft der Menschen stoppt
ethnische Konflikte und deren Anstifter und Unterstützer dieser menschenverachtenden
Prozesse weltweit. Wir betrachten uns als Internationalisten und
Verteidiger der Werte der Volksrevolutionen in Spanien 1936-1939 und in
Afghanistan 1979-1989.
4 – Die Kämpfer der Brigade Prizrak bestehen aus Vertretern der Arbeit, nicht
des Kapitals. Wir verteidigen eine Gesellschaft, die den Grundsätzen der
Gerechtigkeit entspricht.
5 – Wir sind für Demokratie. Wir sind gegen die Machtausübung durch
oligarchische Clans, die den Krieg im Donbass entfesselt haben. Die aus den
Menschen die maximale Leistung herauspressen. Unser Kampf legt den
Grundstein für eine neue Gesellschaft – in der Brigade selbst, wie auch in den
befreiten Gebieten. Wir wollen den engen Kontakt zwischen Militär und
Zivilgesellschaft. Die Brigade Prizrak schuf die erste Sozialküche in
Neurussland. Die humanitäre Hilfe für die Bevölkerung, die Organisation
verschiedener gesellschaftlicher Aktivitäten gehören ebenfalls zur Arbeit
der Brigade.
6 – Wir sind eine Volksmiliz. Wir möchten keine reguläre Armee sein, die jeden
Befehl einer Regierung auszuführen hat, sondern den Menschen dienen. Unser Ziel
ist die Schaffung einer neuen Art von Streitkräften. Nur eine bewaffnete
Miliz kann Diktaturen, Staaten und Unternehmungen widerstehen. In der
Menschheitsgeschichte haben Armeen im Auftrag ihrer Regierungen und von
Unternehmungen die Menschen wie Vieh behandelt. Eine Miliz, die in der Lage
ist, den Menschen zu dienen, ist deshalb im Frieden ebenso notwendig, wie
in Kriegszeiten.
7 – Wir stehen zum Prinzip der Freiwilligkeit. Wir werden keine
Zwangsmobilisierung durchführen. Zu uns sollen nur Menschen kommen, die für
ihre Verwandten und Freunde einstehen, die ihre Heimat lieben und unsere
Ideen teilen. Wir wollen keine Leute, die zu uns kommen, um für Geld zu
kämpfen, zum Dienst gezwungen werden oder dem Gefängnis entgehen wollen.
8 – Der Sieg der Sowjetunion im Großen Vaterländischen Krieg ist die Grundlage
der antifaschistischen Bewegung. Es darf keine Revision der Ereignisse und
Ergebnisse dieses Krieges zugunsten Hitlerdeutschlands und seiner
Verbündeten geben. Wir verurteilen alle diesbezüglichen Versuche der
westlichen, ukrainischen und russischen Liberalen und Neonazis.
9 – Wir bemühen uns um die Erziehung der Jugend. Die heutigen Staaten bieten
keine ideologische Erziehung, bieten keine sozialen Ideale. Die Beziehungen
zwischen den Staaten und ihren Jugendlichen ähnelt denen zwischen einem
betrunkenen Stiefvater und schwachen Kindern. Wir wissen, dass die Jugend die
Zukunft ist und erkennen die Notwendigkeit für ihre kulturelle, physische
und intellektuelle Bildung. Wir nehmen diese Verantwortung wahr.
10 – Wir halten strenge Disziplin. Sie ist ein grundlegender Faktor für
erfolgreiche Militäroperationen. Ohne Disziplin ist kein militärischer Sieg
möglich.
11 – Wir stehen für die Freiheit des Gewissens ein. Jeder Soldat der Brigade
Prizrak ist ein integraler Bestandteil des Verbands, der mit Stolz und Ehre
unter der Kriegsflagge der Brigade dem Volke dient. Persönliche Meinungen,
religiöse und politische Überzeugungen sind die Privatangelegenheit jedes
einzelnen Mitglied der Brigade. Antifaschismus, Demokratie und
Antioligarchismus sind hingegen die Grundprinzipien des Verbands. Jede
menschenfeindliche Ideologie, wie Rechtsradikalismus, Neonazismus und
-faschismus, Rassismus, sind uns fremd.
12 – Wir bekennen uns zur Russischen Welt. Wir sehen uns verbunden mit den
Bewohnern der großen russischen Welt, die unterschiedliche Kulturen,
Nationalitäten und Sprachen zusammenbringt, aber einen gemeinsamen
geistigen Feind hat: Faschismus, Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus. Diese
Eigenschaften haben uns stets bei der Verteidigung unserer Heimat und in
schwierigsten Zeiten geholfen. Die Russische Welt ist Weltbild und
Geisteshaltung. Neurussland ist eine Front der Russischen Welt.
13 – Unsere Grundsätze sehen wir von allgemeiner Bedeutung. Sie gelten nicht
nur für den Donbass, die Ukraine und Russland. Wir führen einen
Befreiungskampf, der nicht nur für die Russische Welt wichtig ist, sondern
für die gesamte Welt.
Quelle:
http://mozgovoy.info/main/text/484-ideynye-principy-brigady-prizrak-im-ab-mozgovogo.html
---
Fonte: Comitato per il Donbass Antinazista (Roma)
Durante la commemorazione dei 40 giorni dall'uccisione del comandante Mozgovoy e della sua scorta, al cimitero di Alchevsk, i presenti hanno chiesto a Bodgana di recitare le sue poesie. Il giorno successivo alla tragedia, la bambina ha deciso di arruolarsi nella milizia e tutt'ora lavora nella cucina del quartier generale della Brigata Prizrak.
«Ora comincio a capire
Cosa significa
ricordare ed essere fiera
Gente, non rattristatevi
ed il nemico non sarà felice
Il nostro "Fantasma" non fallirà
E ci prenderemo cura delle memorie insieme
E la nostra gente ricorderà
Zio Alexey Mozgovoy»
«Il Donbass brucia
Il Donbass piange
Le nostra steppa è in fiamme
La madre piange
La moglie piange
I nostri figli piangono
Arrivano i nazisti
Arriva l'Aidar
Spazzano via tutto
Scusa, nostra madre Terra
Per quello che stanno facendo
Il nemico non conquisterà il Donbass
La gente non si inginocchierà di fronte a loro
Ci sarà pace,
Ci sarà la mamma,
E ci saranno i figli»
Bogdana:
The Poems\Стихи [sub
ENG\SPA\ITA] (Voxkomm, 1 lug 2015)
Two poems of Bogdana, the cook of Brigade Prizrak. Russian translation by
Roman and Victor. Spanish translation by Vadim
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-RDBQYcvdLI
'We
will happily build a Novorossiya where no bastard would call a child a
"Colorado larva"!' (2/7/2015)
July 1: It's been 40 days since the death of Ghost Brigade Commander Alexei
Borisovich Mozgovoi. We spoke to Commissar Alexey Markov...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/07/we-will-happily-build-novorossiya-where.html
[eng cc subs] "Ghost" brigade delivering aid for Alchevsk children
anti-tuberculosis sanatorium (6 lug 2015)
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kFvhUNcFnzs
---
Interview with Alexey Albu: Odessa communist in the Ghost Brigade (by
Alexander Chalenko, Ukrainia.ru
28/7/2015)
June 20: Interview with Odessa Regional Council Deputy Alexey Albu, one of the
leaders of the Russian spring in Odessa and an active participant in the events
of May 2, 2014. Currently Albu has “emigrated" to the Lugansk
People’s Republic (LC) and helps the young republic in establishing its
statehood...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/07/interview-with-alexey-albu-odessa.html
Ghost Brigade in solidarity with Turkish & Kurdish comrades (July
28, 2015)
Solidarity message from Ghost Brigade communists to Turkish and Kurdish comrades,
delivered by Borotba activist and former political prisoner Vlad Wojciechowski
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.it/2015/07/ghost-brigade-in-solidarity-with.html
One year since founding of the legendary Ghost Brigade (30/7/2015)
June 29: Today the command of the Ghost Brigade drove to all the forward
positions of the front line to congratulate the fighter on a great event. Today
marks exactly one year since the Ghost unit was formally
established...
http://redstaroverdonbass.blogspot.com/2015/07/one-year-since-founding-of-legendary.html
Fighters from
"Prizrak" brigade: We have enough spirit to attack tanks using rifles |
Eng Subs (Vox Populi Evo, 3 ago 2015)
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0unWvkJfLfs